By Caroline Azad

Within the European Union each country has its own health system. According to Eurobarometer, 64 per cent of Europeans seem to be satisfied, with the Belgians the most satisfied at 93 per cent, followed by French and Germans. Only 22 per cent of Bulgarians are satisfied, who feel neglected and subjected by too much corruption in the health system of a country still in transition.

Picture credit: S. Solberg J

Generally, there are three main models of health care among the force member countries of the European Union.

The first system is the Bismarckian system as promoted in Belgium, France and Germany, that health insurance is guaranteed in exchange for free labour. The second, from the United Kingdom and applied in most European countries is the beveridge system in which the state guarantee health care according to one’s income. Finally, the third is a mixture of the two.
According to Mathieu Grosch, member of European Parliament, “health systems in Europe are generally good and a long-term goal is a European model of health care”.

The important contribution of Belgian workers guaranteed free access to every citizen, regardless of income.

Faced with a growing demand for quality health care among the population of Europe, the European Commission recommends more collaboration among health systems in 27 countries. The main obstacle is the finance reform.

The demand for health care increased to 5 per cent while the EU average growth at 2 per cent. He must find a balance between the different systems.

Although the English health care system is heavily criticized outside the borders of Great Britain, Mathieu Grosch says that “a system of health care at two speeds, as that applied in the United Kingdom which provides a system according to the riches is not in itself a bad system. A bad system is a system that does not work. The important thing is to avoid a two tier system. Each country should retain control of its health system while sharing his expertise.”

Such sharing of expertise in health care would be the basic constituent of a European health system at large.

Spanish Prime Minister, Jose Luis Rodriguez Zapatero, who chairs the Council of the European Union until June, will make the fight against tourism health care “a priority”.

By Caroline Azad

The European Parliament was represented at December’s Copenhagen Climate Conference by an official delegation. Since the Lisbon Treaty’s enforcement last December, the European Parliament’s consent is required for all International treaties. Before the conference began, Jo Leinen, Chairman of the European delegation, spoke to Caroline Azad about the difficulty of reaching meaningful solutions and Europe’s aims at Copenhagen.

Caroline Azad (CA): Many expert opinions, which are reported in the media, seem sceptical about the potential success of the Copenhagen Summit. The main reasons cited for such views are the lack of concrete solutions from major, industrialised, countries, as well as the financing question for the infrastructures of developing countries.

On 30th October last year, European Commission President José Manuel Barroso said, in a press conference: “We can look the rest of the world in the eye and say we, Europeans, we have done our job. We are ready for Copenhagen…we have a clear, ambitious and unified EU message on climate finance…we are ready to engage.”

Do you perceive a contradiction between Barroso’s statement and the arguments of the experts?

Jo Leinen (JL): If you look at the global developments in climate policies, we Europeans are well ahead of other industrialised countries. We have a legally binding climate protection package with a cross-border carbon market. That is unique. On the other hand, climate scientists tell us that we have to go even further with our reduction commitments and solutions for climate protection. That means that we have to do more than the others.

CA: Does the European Union have a unified plan and concrete solutions?

JL: Yes, the European Union has a unified position on nearly all questions of climate policy. We have our reduction commitments; we have concepts how to protect forests and how to set up adaptation frameworks. The Council of Ministers has tabled a negotiation mandate and the European Parliament has decided on a resolution. Both documents are very similar in their aim.

The only place where you can find a major difference between the Council and the Parliament is in the question of financing. We say that the EU should promise €30 billion (£26 billion) per year by 2020, in order to finance mitigation and adaptation. The member states did not agree on a concrete number. But we are heading in the same direction.

CA: How would you explain the lack of concrete strategies between the member states?

JL: I do not see a major difference in the positions of member states. The question of financing is difficult, but that has always been the case with regard to budgetary questions. The financial issues are the questions where we have to come up with a burden-sharing concept. We will establish some sort of solidarity mechanism that remains oriented on per capita emissions.

CA: Do you think first-world countries should be responsible for financing adaptation in developing countries?

JL: Of course, the industrialised world has a responsibility for climate change and therefore also for adaptation. If we follow the ‘polluter pays’ principle to the end, then we have to clean up the mess we created from dumping greenhouse gases in the atmosphere for so many years. But adaptation is not only about financing. We have to assist the most affected countries in establishing adaptation strategies and by presenting solutions for how to adapt to a changing environment.

Adding to that, capacity building is an important issue. Only if people know how to help themselves, they can use our financial aid in a sensible manner. Adaptation is more than just financing. But without financing, of course, adaptation cannot work.

CA: How would you define what is required of developing countries? Are there huge differences in relation to their behaviour during the Kyoto era?

JL: We can observe two global trends which lead to the difficult situation we are facing in Copenhagen. The first trend, or observation, tells us that developing countries will be affected more dramatically than the rest of the world. Climate change is in some way unfair. It means that those who are not responsible will be those who suffer most. The second trend is the rising economic power of emerging economies.

If you look at China, India, Brazil and some other countries, they are following us in developing high-carbon-economies. We have to tell them: if you keep going like that, all our efforts in climate protection will not be enough to stop global warming. They have to change their behaviour as well. Finding a global deal in Copenhagen should therefore be in the interest of all parties involved.

CA: How do you perceive the public reaction to the Copenhagen Summit, in terms of its engagement, confidence and appeal?

JL: It is really astonishing how many people are engaged in the process towards Copenhagen. This a great moment for listening to our civil societies and acting according to what people think our future should look like. We should take that development seriously and use it to put pressure on governments to sign an agreement that is for the benefit of all.

CA: What are you expecting from the Copenhagen Summit?

JL: We still hope for a legally binding agreement in Copenhagen. Although I know that some countries have difficulties in committing themselves internationally to these targets, it should not be an excuse for non-action.

In the worst case, there will be a politically binding agreement in Copenhagen that will be filled with more substance in the first couple of months of 2010 and than ratified by the parties later.

CA: What role will the European Parliament’s delegation play in the Copenhagen Summit?

JL: Since the Lisbon Treaty is providing us with more rights in international negotiations, we will push for a greater involvement in the negotiating process. We will be informed by the Commission and the Swedish Presidency at all stages of the negotiations, and in the end, the European Parliament has to ratify the agreement. During the negotiations, we will make clear that the EU will go for its 30 per cent targets when all other parties agree on a new treaty, and we will make clear that the EU still has the leadership in climate protection and is willing to stay a frontrunner.

The promotion of clean growth and the initiative for another industrial revolution towards smart green technologies will be important for my delegation during informal talks with other delegations from around the world.

By Aine Gormley

A UK water company has been permitted to pump more than a million litres of untreated sewage effluent into the North Channel every day, starting in summer 2011.

Northern Ireland Water (NIW) can avoid laws that other parts of the UK obey because it has no independent Environmental Protection Agency (EPA).

The Northern Irish environment agency is run by the government. The agency objected to NIW’s proposal for a sewage works serving 5,680 people, allowing the government-owned company to provide only primary treatment of the sewage.

Primary treatment removes solids but not toxic waste. Normally, sewage works in England and Wales that pump into the sea for populations over 2,000 must also apply secondary treatment.

But Edwin Poots, the Northern Ireland environment minister, a member of the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP), had the final say. He chose to reject the opposition to the proposed works, and construction will begins later this autumn.

Alliance Party member Sean Neeson has warned that population growth means the agreed level of treatment is unlikely to meet future requirements from the European Commission. “This will leave only two options: a further upgrade or heavy fines, to be paid by ratepayers,” said Mr. Neeson.

In May 2008, the then-Environment Minister Arlene Foster declined the chance to bring in an independent EPA. Ms. Foster said: “I and my party take the role of environmental governance too seriously to externalise the organisation”. She resigned 13 days after her decision.

Tom Burke, who chaired the 2008 Review of Environmental Governance in Northern Ireland, said that because of Northern Ireland’s fragmented institution, he was not surprised that NIW is allowed to pollute the environment more than other UK water companies.