By Paul Rodgers

If it were up to me, magic would work. Much of my teens were spent in an imaginary land full of elves and dwarves, steeped in the lore of Tolkien’s The Lord of the Rings and games such as Dungeons & Dragons. Who could resist the idea that waving a wand or drinking a potion could solve life’s problems?

As an adult, though, I found that magic doesn’t work, and science does. Yet the NHS, an institution that should be a bastion of science, continues to spend millions of pounds a year – for remedies, staff and the upkeep of four specialist hospitals – on homeopathy, a practice with no scientific basis whose origins lie in Renaissance alchemy. At best, homeopathy is an expensive placebo, but in leaching scarce resources from treatments that are effective, and by distracting patients from seeking proper medical care, it causes real harm. That kind-hearted Britons are being encouraged to give money to pay for a group of homeopaths to go to Haiti to treat earthquake victims is scandalous.

Let’s be clear. Homeopathy is not the same as herbalism, which has some scientific merit. Its main principle, that “like-cures-like”, dates back to Paracelsus, a 16th century physician, astrologer and occultist who believed that if you suffered from, say, stomach cramps, the cure should be something that causes stomach cramps. The problem – obviously, you might think – was that this “cure” often made things worse. Two centuries later, Samuel Hahnemann, a German physician, realised that diluting the like-cures-like medicines reduced their toxic effects, though not, he claimed paradoxically, their efficacy.

And so homeopathy was born. Minute doses of the active ingredients are diluted so much that your chance of finding even one atom of it in your pricey sugar pills could be as low as one in a trillion. Exotic explanations for this vary widely, often involving the sort of pseudoscientific gobbledygook that is the stock in trade for Star Trek scriptwriters. One common idea is that water can “remember” which active ingredient used to be present (though apparently it forgets the myriad other contaminants that have been removed). As David Colquhoun, a professor of pharmacology at University College London, put it: “If homeopathy worked, the whole of chemistry and physics would have to be overturned”. Even some of the purveyors of these snake oils don’t have much faith in them. Paul Bennett, the professional standards director at Boots, one of the country’s biggest homeopathic retailers, admitted in November that “I have no evidence before me to suggest that they are efficacious.”

The Commons Science and Technology Select Committee – which reported on 22 February on its investigation into this “alternative therapy” – concluded that public funding for this hocus pocus should be cut. Even research into it should be abandoned as a waste of money. The MPs should go further. Homeopaths should be held legally responsible if they prescribe their placebos for conditions which demand proper medical attention. In Australia, two homeopaths, husband and wife, were jailed last autumn for gross criminal negligence over the death of their nine-month-old baby in 2002. The baby had severe eczema and died of septicaemia after her parents tried to treat her homeopathically. Even the placebo effect doesn’t work on babies.

Homeopaths will counter that they have several centuries worth of experience during which they’ve given their tonics to patients who have subsequently recovered. The flaw here is clear. Just because a treatment precedes a recovery does not mean it caused the recovery. Often patients seek help when their symptoms are worst, when the only way they could change is to get better. The argument that, in a free country, people should be allowed to choose what therapies they take is stronger, but only if patients are told the facts about those nostrums. And once they know that they’re getting a placebo, its effectiveness will mostly crumble. It has also been suggested that homeopathy helps GPs divert chronic time-wasters. Convenient, perhaps, but dishonest; like magic potions, lies have no place in a doctor’s black bag.

Northern Ireland is the only part of the UK without an independent Environmental Protection Agency (EPA). An independent panel, commissioned under direct rule by Westminster, reviewed environmental governance in Northern Ireland and recommended an EPA. But devolution returned to Northern Ireland, and the Environment Minister rejected the calls for an EPA. She resigned 13 days after announcing her decision.

Ministers opt out of environmental planning

In October 2002, the European Commission highlighted Northern Ireland’s falling compliance of sewage treatment works with EU standards from 53 percent in 2000 to 35 per cent in 2001.

In response, Northern Ireland’s Planning Service recommended that the Executive pass a ban on further developments where current sewage infrastructure was inadequate.

Stormont Parliament building, Belfast, N. Ireland.

But the Minister of the Environment, then Dermot Nesbitt, issued a statement that: “Such an approach, despite the high level of environmental protection that would afforded, would have carried high risk in respect of constraints in economic growth and social progress.”

Professor Sharon Turner, an environmental law professor at Queens University Belfast, explains that: “In the 1970s, Northern Ireland started a steady decline into the Troubles. But by 2000, the European Commission had run out of patience and was no longer prepared to allow Northern Ireland – or indeed the UK – to let the situation continue.”

Review of Environmental Governance launched

In the summer of 2005, a coalition of Non-Governmental Organisations convinced the Minister of the Environment, Jeff Rooker, to put in motion a Review of Environmental Governance.

“That coalition was one of the most successful NGO campaigns I have ever seen,” says Professor Tom Burke, CBE and Chair of the Review of Environmental Governance in Northern Ireland.

Prof Turner and Gordon Bell, the managing director of Liberty IT, were the other two panel members. The independent review began in 2006.

“One factor that was really clear to the panel was that there was an overwhelming lack of confidence in the Government institutions from the people of Northern Ireland,” Prof Burke said.

Prof Burke explains that an independent EPA would allow policy to be separated from delivery and it would bring Northern Ireland into alignment with the rest of the UK.

But the one exception in the support from the public for an EPA was with the Ulster Farmers’ Union (UFU).

“I never understood what the UFU’s problem with it was; they seemed to have an ideological view that you shouldn’t have an EPA, which was not really based on any analysis,” Prof Burke said.

Stephen Farry, an Alliance party representative, points out that the UUP, Sinn Fein, Alliance and SDLP were all in favour of an EPA. “The only party not in favour of an EPA was the DUP, and the only DUP lobby group against it was the UFU,” he said.

David Ford, the leader of the Alliance party said: “The UFU were concerned that farmers would not have their views taken into account.” He added: “Ian Paisley said these men just want to farm the way they have always farmed, but the world has changed.”

The panel on the Review of Environmental Governance were commissioned while Northern Ireland was still under direct rule from Westminster. But while working on the review for two years, the political situation changed.

Devolution granted to Northern Ireland

McGuinness, George W. Bush and Ian Paisley meeting at Stormont.

History was made on 8 May 2007 when Ian Paisley and Martin McGuinness joined forces and signed a pledge to share power.

The power-sharing arrangements were Ian Paisley (DUP) as First minister and Martin McGuinness (Sinn Féin) as Deputy first minister. Peter Robinson (DUP) governed Finance and Personnel, Catriona Ruane (Sinn Féin) Education, Arlene Foster (DUP) Environment, and Michelle Gildernew (Sinn Féin) Agriculture.

The review panel knew that might be problematic for any recommendations they made. “We knew that, quite rightly, when you put the democracy back in, the democratically elected representatives want to have a say.” Prof Burke said.

Minister rejects calls for an EPA

In May 2008, Arlene Foster, the Minister of the Environment, announced that she rejects the calls for an independent EPA. She stated: “I and my party take the role of environmental governance too seriously to externalise the organisation.” She resigned 13 days after her decision.

“The Environment Minister then, went against the will of the majority,” says Lisa Fagan of Friends of the Earth (Northern Ireland).

“I believe there are underlying political and economic issues that the UFU have to answer for regarding the rejection of an EPA for Northern Ireland.” Ms Fagan said.

Tom Burke believes it was unfair to the majority of people in Northern Ireland that one institution had disproportionate power.

“If direct rule had continued, then Northern Ireland would have an EPA. Yes, I’m sure it would have an EPA,” Prof Burke said.

But he adds that this was not the only reason. “I think it was partly the shift from direct rule to Stormont, partly the terms under which portfolios are allocated inside the power-sharing peace and partly the opposition of the UFU.”

Stephen Farry spoke of how the power-sharing dynamics should not depend on the ‘lucky dip’ of which party gets what office.

“Particularly on significant and controversial matters, there should be a collective view, to ensure that all interests represented in government are buying into decisions” he said.

This decision continues to have an impact on Northern Ireland’s environment. For example, Northern Ireland Water (NIW) was granted permission to open a sewage treatment works that provides only primary treatment of sewage before it is pumped into the North Channel. By the time the plant opens, the new Urban Waste Water Treatment Directive will require any sewage works serving over 2000 people to apply secondary treatment.

Ms Foster has yet to respond to many questions sent to her regarding this matter.

By Smitha Mundasad

In defence of a state they helped to create, thousands of pensioners gathered in force to fight for protection of the welfare state at the 10410 demonstration.

“The same generation that fought fascism, the same generation that built the welfare state is now calling this demonstration,” said Bob Crow, of the National Union of Rail, Maritime and Transport Workers.

Protecting the NHS played a prominent part in the rally, which was organised by the National Pensioners Convention and gained support from a diverse range of public sector workers and trade unions, from the British Medical Association, and National Union of Teachers to Medway Pensioners Forum.

Dr Hamish Meldrum, chairman of the British Medical Association said: “Never has it been a more important time to speak out in support of the NHS, when public services are facing unprecedented financial strain.”

Commenting that the major political parties in England “seem obsessed with marketed healthcare”, he asked the crowd, “isn’t it ludicrous that while we have nationalised banks, we are privatising the NHS?”

Dr Rob Galloway, an Accident and Emergency doctor of eight years said: “Patients are not commodities, they are people. But despite that, there has been a raft of policies to commercialise the NHS which has led to inefficiencies and decreased productivity”.

This was a unique event, bringing together people from all major public sectors. “We are not in competition with each other. Those who are in competition are the ones who purchase and make a profit out of our services,” said Dot Gibson, an organiser of the event and general secretary of the National Pensioners Convention.

By Gulnura Toralieva

Kyrgyz journalists don’t cover climate change because of Russian propaganda, general disinterest and prohibitive expenses, said Nurzat Abdyrasulova, director of the civic environmental foundation UNISON.

“Last time, the most popular Russian TV channel showed a documentary that claimed that climate change is just speculation and a lie. After such programmes, many journalists in Kyrgyzstan become convinced that they should not pay attention to this problem and report on it,” Abdyrasulova said.

Poor environmental reporting in Kyrgyzstan is due in part by lack of interest. Image credit: neiljs on Flickr

“They also think that climate change is a product of fantasy from scientists. No journalist has deep knowledge about climate change,” she added.

Lack of interest is also suffocating climate change reporting. A seminar for local journalists organised by UNISON in the beginning of April, aiming to help them report on climate change, stimulated little interest.

“It was really hard to get journalists to take part in the three-day training, [even though] it was led by experienced journalists and scientists, was free-of-charge and even paid for provincial journalists [to come],” Abdyrasulova said. “After confirming their participation they didn’t come and we called them many times to remind them about the event, which was very disappointing.”

“Most environmental reporting is perfunctory, with no analysis of the situation at all. The journalists only use press releases… and never do investigation by themselves,” she added.

To support this opinion, Abdyrasulova mentioned that news on the Copenhagen summit didn’t appear in the media. “There was only one small news item about this event and it looked very weird in comparison with the volume of information presented by journalists in other parts of the world. I couldn’t understand such a silence from the local media.”

Another reason why other environmental issues are poorly covered by journalists is that the government’s policy towards the environment is: “Everything is ok with our environment. We have no factories. Manufacturing died after the Soviet Union’s collapse, so there is no pollution now,” in Abdyrasulova’s words.

The journalists also help the government create an illusion by ignoring environmental reporting,” she said. The other reason is that ecology as a subject is not taught properly in the schools or universities.

As an NGO leader, she also has problems communicating with journalists.

“Frankly speaking, I have never tried to build bridges with journalists. It is really hard to make them be interested in our job and publicise the environmental problems to attract attention from the public and government,” said Abdyrasulova. Last time she organised a press conference on the results of the Copenhagen summit, only two journalists came.

“It is very expensive today to attract media attention in Kyrgyzstan. If you want something to be published you should pay. Environment itself is not interesting to journalists, despite the fact that the public wants and should be informed about the quality of their lives and risks around them,” said Abdyrasulova.

For example, people don’t know about the dangers of old pesticides left by Soviet agricultural organisations. “There is evidence that use of this type of pesticide may cause cancer. But people are not aware of this risk and they not only use them themselves, but also sell them to other farmers,” she claimed.

By Aine Gormley

Legal and moral issues on climate science have made a splash in 2010. This week, a leading climate scientist is suing Canada’s National Post for libel. In the UK, a climate scientist recently lodged a complaint to the Press Complaints Commission about the Sunday Times. The parliamentary inquiry into the behaviour of climate scientists also received ample coverage. But what legal issues surround these cases, particularly in light of the growing campaign for libel reform?

Simon Lewis, a researcher in human-induced climate change at the University of Leeds has filed a 31-page official complaint to the Press Complaints Commission (PCC).

Lewis complains that an article published in the Sunday Times breaches the PCC Editor Code of Practice Point One, Section i, which states “The Press must take care not to publish inaccurate, misleading or distorted information, including pictures.”

The issue is that, in the article by Jonathan Leake, Lewis’ name was apparently used to back up a claim that the science behind the IPCC report was unsubstantiated where it refers to global warming wiping out 40 per cent of the Amazon Rainforest.

This year's controversy surrounding the IPCC report began in 2009 when email were leaked from the Climate Research Unit at the University of East Anglia (pictured). Image credit: ChrisO

But Lewis said that this claim in the IPCC report is “basically correct, but poorly written.” Thus he maintains that his name and the science were misrepresented.

After the complaint was filed, the Sunday Times left a voicemail for Lewis stating, “It has been recognised that the story was flawed.”

Lewis says that, “The Sunday Times should simply take the piece down and issue a retraction and apology.”

The paper has, so far, only changed the online article title, from ‘UN climate panel shamed by bogus rainforest claim’, to ‘The UN climate panel and the rainforest claim’.

There is no legal obligation to be truthful as long as the reputation of the subject is not adversely affected. So, if the article drove an impression to the readers about Lewis’ integrity, he may have grounds to sue for defamation. But, if the paper could then, for example, prove the statement to be true, it may be covered by the defence of justification.

However, Lewis went to the PCC, not the courts. The PCC does insist on a moral obligation for journalists to be truthful. Thus, possible outcomes of this case are that the PCC will insist the Sunday Times editor take action such as publishing a correction or an apology.

George Monbiot is doubtful of this. “Good luck to Lewis, but as the PCC’s treatment of the News of the World phone-hacking scandal suggests, he’s likely to find himself shut out of another closed world – journalism – in which self-regulation manifestly doesn’t work,” Monbiot said in a recent blog post.

In Canada, Andrew Weaver, a climate scientist at the University of Victoria, has taken his case to the next level. He is suing the National Post for libel after they refused to remove online articles that will, according to Weaver, “poison the factual record, misleading people who are looking for reliable scientific information about global warming,” he recently told the Guardian.

According to the lawsuit, the articles make defamatory claims because readers are lead to believe that Weaver conceals scientific data and is driven by a corrupt pursuit to gain government funding.

Complaints to publishers, such as those from Lewis, seem to be occurring more often. But Weaver’s case appears to be the first lawsuit to be filed between a climate change scientist and the media. So is it likely to be the first of many?

Like the UK, libel laws in most of Canada are more plaintiff-friendly than its counterparts in the US. The New York Times Co v Sullivan (1964) case in the US altered the libel laws so that the publisher was only at fault if false information was published out of malice.

The "McLibel" two were involved in the longest running libel case in UK history. Image credit: Spanner Films

In the UK, a paper can be sued for publishing something even if the public has a right to know. It is only considered in defences such as the Reynolds defence, which originated from the Reynolds v Times Newspapers (1999) case. This allows a series of factors to be considered in defence of the publication, such as the urgency of the matter and the tone of the article.

Another defence that the public’s right to know is considered is in the defence of fair comment. But this can be difficult to prove. Clive Coleman, a BBC legal affairs analyst said, “In defending a libel action the difference between a statement of verifiable fact and one of opinion can be crucial.”

But this month saw a historic ruling from the UK Court of Appeal when it was decided that Simon Singh, who was being sued for libel, had the right to use the defence of fair comment, which the judges clarified as honest opinion.

The charity Sense About Science published this button in support of Simon Singh’s case.

Robert Dougans, Singh’s lawyer, said, “the judgment is clear that not only should the courts be ready to find that a statement is honest opinion, but that scientists should be able to engage in debate and research without facing expensive litigation.”

But Singh was defending his own journalism. Whereas Weaver and Lewis have built a case against the actions of journalists.

Perhaps the contrast between these legal and moral issues in science journalism highlights the need for trained science journalists reporting on scientific issues. Or perhaps they highlight the need for libel reform so that scientists and journalists (and those dabbling in both) are able to act in the public interest.

In the wake of his victory, Singh announced that our politicians must act on libel reform. All three major political parties have now pledged reforms of the libel law in their General Election Manifestos.

By Julius Goldthorpe

Regardless of which political party reigns triumphant in the upcoming UK general election on May 6, one area where we can expect to see change is the UK policy on the illegal timber trade. With the three leading political parties agreeing, at the very least, the UK needs a domestic ban on the importation of illegal timber.

The agreement between Labour, the Conservatives and the Liberal Democrats fully underlines the importance of this issue. With all parties stating in their election manifestos that a UK ban on illegally logged timber is essential. Labour and the Liberal Democrats have gone one step further by suggesting a campaign for an EU-wide ban to be implemented if they can gain support from other EU nations.

Need to end illegal timber trade to reduce climate change says Environment Minister

UK Minister of Environment Hilary Benn, believes the EU cannot expect to see a decline in deforestation if it continues to allow the importation of illegal timber from foreign soil. He also indicated at the 15th Illegal Logging Update, held at Chatham House, that if an agreement on a ban could not be met at a continental level, then the UK would take action at a national level.

Benn also criticised the policies of other EU members with regards to illegal logging. He believes it is the responsibility of EU nations to stop illegal timber from entering Europe and, in turn, help reduce the global warming effect that is caused by deforestation. He said: “It’s no good being in the same boat as everyone else if that boat is sinking.”

But, it is not just the EU politicians that are divided over this topic. The European timber industries also have their fair share of sceptics. Some industries favour a ban because it would reduce competition. However, others are concerned that a ban could lead to excessive bureaucracy for forest owners.

Despite concerns expressed by some EU members, it is believed that an agreement to suit all parties may be within reach.

Although the UK does face opposition to a ban, it is not alone in its desire to put a stop to the illegal timber trade. André de Boer, of the European Timber Trade Federation insists: “We must make illegal trade an offence under criminal law.”

If a law is passed, Benn is sure concerns regarding increased bureaucracy will be short lived. “A prohibition would be a boost for the domestic timber industry,” he said.

The cost of incorporating this law into EU policy is unclear, but Benn believes “the argument for getting this done in Europe is overwhelming.”

By Hannah King

Ethiopia has become the most recent African nation to announce the arrival of its very own science academy, located in the capital Addis Ababa and backed by the UK’s Royal Society. But there are fears that centres elsewhere have so far failed to deliver.

Ethiopia has become the most recent African nation to announce the arrival of its very own science academy

The past few years have seen the arrival of a number of science centres across the African continent as political interest in science has grown. Demisse Habte, former World Bank health specialist and president of Ethiopia’s new academy said: “There is a much better appreciation in the government for the role science can play in development.” Other academies set up recently include one in Zambia in 2005, Mauritius in 2007 and Mozambique in 2009, with more planned. The next opening is expected to be in Namibia.

But few of Africa’s new academies have so far achieved what they set out to. Mohamed Hassan, executive director of the Academy of Sciences for the Developing World (TWAS) said: “It’s been a very slow process, and a little bit disappointing.” He explained that in Tanzania for example, the academy has been in existence for four to five years and has still not matured. “It has only about 25 members, most of whom are old men. They are not moving.”

According to Hassan, there are two main problems with Africa’s emerging academies. The first is that they lack leadership, a dedicated figurehead to drive them forward, and the second is a failure to connect with and inspire the next generation of young scientists.

As for the centre in Addis Ababa, it has not yet been approved by parliament and as such its future funding structure remains uncertain.

By Gulnura Toralieva

On 1 January, Kazakhstan became the first ex-Soviet state to chair the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe, or OSCE. This is the world’s largest regional security organisation, and chairing it is a significant milestone in the country’s post-Communist history.

It is speculated that Kazakhstan will be able to increase the OSCE’s role in Central Asia and provide a forum to overcome regional problems. However Annette Bohr, associate fellow for the Russia and Eurasia Programme at Chatham House, argued that Kazakhstan has its own agenda. She spoke to Gulnura Toralieva about Kazakhstan’s role as the OSCE chair.

Annette Bohr. Photo credit: Chatham House

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By Caroline Azad

Within the European Union each country has its own health system. According to Eurobarometer, 64 per cent of Europeans seem to be satisfied, with the Belgians the most satisfied at 93 per cent, followed by French and Germans. Only 22 per cent of Bulgarians are satisfied, who feel neglected and subjected by too much corruption in the health system of a country still in transition.

Picture credit: S. Solberg J

Generally, there are three main models of health care among the force member countries of the European Union.

The first system is the Bismarckian system as promoted in Belgium, France and Germany, that health insurance is guaranteed in exchange for free labour. The second, from the United Kingdom and applied in most European countries is the beveridge system in which the state guarantee health care according to one’s income. Finally, the third is a mixture of the two.
According to Mathieu Grosch, member of European Parliament, “health systems in Europe are generally good and a long-term goal is a European model of health care”.

The important contribution of Belgian workers guaranteed free access to every citizen, regardless of income.

Faced with a growing demand for quality health care among the population of Europe, the European Commission recommends more collaboration among health systems in 27 countries. The main obstacle is the finance reform.

The demand for health care increased to 5 per cent while the EU average growth at 2 per cent. He must find a balance between the different systems.

Although the English health care system is heavily criticized outside the borders of Great Britain, Mathieu Grosch says that “a system of health care at two speeds, as that applied in the United Kingdom which provides a system according to the riches is not in itself a bad system. A bad system is a system that does not work. The important thing is to avoid a two tier system. Each country should retain control of its health system while sharing his expertise.”

Such sharing of expertise in health care would be the basic constituent of a European health system at large.

Spanish Prime Minister, Jose Luis Rodriguez Zapatero, who chairs the Council of the European Union until June, will make the fight against tourism health care “a priority”.

By Nan King

Panic, anxiety, scaremongering, conspiracies… but just a few months on, and swine flu seems to have been all but forgotten. Whilst we are much more likely to die of cancer or heart disease than we are of swine flu or terrorism, the latter two seem much more chilling. In this short podcast, I talk to experts on both sides of the pond, and ask if our emotional reaction to disease influences its spread.

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