By Julius Goldthorpe and Jennifer Green

The possible expansion of Heathrow airport has led to worries concerning the environmental, social and political impact it would have in the UK. Arguments put forward for and against the proposed expansion have made this topic one of the most hotly debated in years.

Although a third runway at Heathrow may seem less likely since the Conservatives formed a coalition government with the Liberal Democrats, there is still a strong possibility that, in the not too distant future, the debate will resurface.

We were lucky enough to speak to John Stewart, chair of HACAN ClearSkies, regarding pollution, biofuels and the third runway.

Northern Ireland is the only part of the UK without an independent Environmental Protection Agency (EPA). An independent panel, commissioned under direct rule by Westminster, reviewed environmental governance in Northern Ireland and recommended an EPA. But devolution returned to Northern Ireland, and the Environment Minister rejected the calls for an EPA. She resigned 13 days after announcing her decision.

Ministers opt out of environmental planning

In October 2002, the European Commission highlighted Northern Ireland’s falling compliance of sewage treatment works with EU standards from 53 percent in 2000 to 35 per cent in 2001.

In response, Northern Ireland’s Planning Service recommended that the Executive pass a ban on further developments where current sewage infrastructure was inadequate.

Stormont Parliament building, Belfast, N. Ireland.

But the Minister of the Environment, then Dermot Nesbitt, issued a statement that: “Such an approach, despite the high level of environmental protection that would afforded, would have carried high risk in respect of constraints in economic growth and social progress.”

Professor Sharon Turner, an environmental law professor at Queens University Belfast, explains that: “In the 1970s, Northern Ireland started a steady decline into the Troubles. But by 2000, the European Commission had run out of patience and was no longer prepared to allow Northern Ireland – or indeed the UK – to let the situation continue.”

Review of Environmental Governance launched

In the summer of 2005, a coalition of Non-Governmental Organisations convinced the Minister of the Environment, Jeff Rooker, to put in motion a Review of Environmental Governance.

“That coalition was one of the most successful NGO campaigns I have ever seen,” says Professor Tom Burke, CBE and Chair of the Review of Environmental Governance in Northern Ireland.

Prof Turner and Gordon Bell, the managing director of Liberty IT, were the other two panel members. The independent review began in 2006.

“One factor that was really clear to the panel was that there was an overwhelming lack of confidence in the Government institutions from the people of Northern Ireland,” Prof Burke said.

Prof Burke explains that an independent EPA would allow policy to be separated from delivery and it would bring Northern Ireland into alignment with the rest of the UK.

But the one exception in the support from the public for an EPA was with the Ulster Farmers’ Union (UFU).

“I never understood what the UFU’s problem with it was; they seemed to have an ideological view that you shouldn’t have an EPA, which was not really based on any analysis,” Prof Burke said.

Stephen Farry, an Alliance party representative, points out that the UUP, Sinn Fein, Alliance and SDLP were all in favour of an EPA. “The only party not in favour of an EPA was the DUP, and the only DUP lobby group against it was the UFU,” he said.

David Ford, the leader of the Alliance party said: “The UFU were concerned that farmers would not have their views taken into account.” He added: “Ian Paisley said these men just want to farm the way they have always farmed, but the world has changed.”

The panel on the Review of Environmental Governance were commissioned while Northern Ireland was still under direct rule from Westminster. But while working on the review for two years, the political situation changed.

Devolution granted to Northern Ireland

McGuinness, George W. Bush and Ian Paisley meeting at Stormont.

History was made on 8 May 2007 when Ian Paisley and Martin McGuinness joined forces and signed a pledge to share power.

The power-sharing arrangements were Ian Paisley (DUP) as First minister and Martin McGuinness (Sinn Féin) as Deputy first minister. Peter Robinson (DUP) governed Finance and Personnel, Catriona Ruane (Sinn Féin) Education, Arlene Foster (DUP) Environment, and Michelle Gildernew (Sinn Féin) Agriculture.

The review panel knew that might be problematic for any recommendations they made. “We knew that, quite rightly, when you put the democracy back in, the democratically elected representatives want to have a say.” Prof Burke said.

Minister rejects calls for an EPA

In May 2008, Arlene Foster, the Minister of the Environment, announced that she rejects the calls for an independent EPA. She stated: “I and my party take the role of environmental governance too seriously to externalise the organisation.” She resigned 13 days after her decision.

“The Environment Minister then, went against the will of the majority,” says Lisa Fagan of Friends of the Earth (Northern Ireland).

“I believe there are underlying political and economic issues that the UFU have to answer for regarding the rejection of an EPA for Northern Ireland.” Ms Fagan said.

Tom Burke believes it was unfair to the majority of people in Northern Ireland that one institution had disproportionate power.

“If direct rule had continued, then Northern Ireland would have an EPA. Yes, I’m sure it would have an EPA,” Prof Burke said.

But he adds that this was not the only reason. “I think it was partly the shift from direct rule to Stormont, partly the terms under which portfolios are allocated inside the power-sharing peace and partly the opposition of the UFU.”

Stephen Farry spoke of how the power-sharing dynamics should not depend on the ‘lucky dip’ of which party gets what office.

“Particularly on significant and controversial matters, there should be a collective view, to ensure that all interests represented in government are buying into decisions” he said.

This decision continues to have an impact on Northern Ireland’s environment. For example, Northern Ireland Water (NIW) was granted permission to open a sewage treatment works that provides only primary treatment of sewage before it is pumped into the North Channel. By the time the plant opens, the new Urban Waste Water Treatment Directive will require any sewage works serving over 2000 people to apply secondary treatment.

Ms Foster has yet to respond to many questions sent to her regarding this matter.

By Gulnura Toralieva

Kyrgyz journalists don’t cover climate change because of Russian propaganda, general disinterest and prohibitive expenses, said Nurzat Abdyrasulova, director of the civic environmental foundation UNISON.

“Last time, the most popular Russian TV channel showed a documentary that claimed that climate change is just speculation and a lie. After such programmes, many journalists in Kyrgyzstan become convinced that they should not pay attention to this problem and report on it,” Abdyrasulova said.

Poor environmental reporting in Kyrgyzstan is due in part by lack of interest. Image credit: neiljs on Flickr

“They also think that climate change is a product of fantasy from scientists. No journalist has deep knowledge about climate change,” she added.

Lack of interest is also suffocating climate change reporting. A seminar for local journalists organised by UNISON in the beginning of April, aiming to help them report on climate change, stimulated little interest.

“It was really hard to get journalists to take part in the three-day training, [even though] it was led by experienced journalists and scientists, was free-of-charge and even paid for provincial journalists [to come],” Abdyrasulova said. “After confirming their participation they didn’t come and we called them many times to remind them about the event, which was very disappointing.”

“Most environmental reporting is perfunctory, with no analysis of the situation at all. The journalists only use press releases… and never do investigation by themselves,” she added.

To support this opinion, Abdyrasulova mentioned that news on the Copenhagen summit didn’t appear in the media. “There was only one small news item about this event and it looked very weird in comparison with the volume of information presented by journalists in other parts of the world. I couldn’t understand such a silence from the local media.”

Another reason why other environmental issues are poorly covered by journalists is that the government’s policy towards the environment is: “Everything is ok with our environment. We have no factories. Manufacturing died after the Soviet Union’s collapse, so there is no pollution now,” in Abdyrasulova’s words.

The journalists also help the government create an illusion by ignoring environmental reporting,” she said. The other reason is that ecology as a subject is not taught properly in the schools or universities.

As an NGO leader, she also has problems communicating with journalists.

“Frankly speaking, I have never tried to build bridges with journalists. It is really hard to make them be interested in our job and publicise the environmental problems to attract attention from the public and government,” said Abdyrasulova. Last time she organised a press conference on the results of the Copenhagen summit, only two journalists came.

“It is very expensive today to attract media attention in Kyrgyzstan. If you want something to be published you should pay. Environment itself is not interesting to journalists, despite the fact that the public wants and should be informed about the quality of their lives and risks around them,” said Abdyrasulova.

For example, people don’t know about the dangers of old pesticides left by Soviet agricultural organisations. “There is evidence that use of this type of pesticide may cause cancer. But people are not aware of this risk and they not only use them themselves, but also sell them to other farmers,” she claimed.

By Gulnura Toralieva

Environmental journalism in Kyrgystan is being held back by a lack of knowledge amongst the writers themselves, according to a leading Kyrgyz environmentalist.

Indira Zhakipova, co-ordinator of EKOIS (the Kyrgyz network of environmental non-governmental organisations and experts), described local journalists’ knowledge as ‘primitive’ and said that they were failing to build contacts with experts in the field. She added that a lack both of analysis and regular coverage of environmental issues had led to reporting that was both ‘boring’ and poorly informed.

Kyrgyzstan's Issyk Kul lake

Lack of funding is another problem. “Everyone knows about climate change now because people spent a lot of money publicising it, and international donors started to support projects. In Kyrgyzstan we have already had three seminars,” says Zhakipova. But this means international donors are setting the agenda on what should be covered by the press.

There is also a perception that social and political issues are more important. “Writers tend to prejudge what is news. A factory closing, a corruption scandal is news – while we just get used to living with the catastrophe that is our environment, but that has to change,” says Zhakipova. Intriguingly, such change could come by default. The physical danger for journalists writing about social and political issues in Kyrgystan may prompt them to focus more on writing about the environment.

And fashions change too. “I’m sure that environmental reporting will be more popular amongst journalists because it becomes more fashionable to write about. It will be also funded by donors and it is in fact safe to report on,” she said. The impetus is there from non-governmental organisations in Kyrgyzstan. They are putting an enormous amount of energy into attracting journalists’ attention towards environmental issues, but the results are often frustrating. And as Zhakipova points out, there’s no shortage of material for writers to tackle.

“First of all we should start to get people’s attention to sanitation. When I visited our provinces I was amazed how poor sanitary conditions were for people living there. I got the impression that time stopped somewhere in the 1980s, was everything so decrepit there. The main problem is lack of water”, added Zhakipova. Water, though, is just the start.

The pollution of Issyk Kul, a lake which the government plans to exploit for tourism; despoliation by the gold mining industry; climate change; toxic waste; land degradation. These are just a few items on a long list, claims Zhakipova. “The government totally ignores environmental problems, it is too busy with social and political issues, so it has no time or manpower for dealing with the environment.”

By Charlotte King and Laura Husband

The ‘Food in the City’ project based at City University, Islington, plans to grow food on a derelict site in the centre of London by Summer 2010.

Laura Husband and Charlotte King speak to one of the project’s organisers, Imogen Riley to find out how it’s going to work.

But will it be safe to eat fruit and vegetables grown in a polluted city?

Professor of environmental pollution, Nigel Bell from Imperial College London gives his expert opinion on how pollution will affect the food and whether he’d personally choose to eat it.

By Gulnura Toralieva

The prime minister of Kyrgyzstan has asked for international help to tackle toxic waste as a local ecologist warned that the country faces “a radioactive catastrophe”. But a UN official argued that to get action the country needs to develop joint proposals with other Central Asian governments.

Premier Igor Chudinov, speaking about global climate change at the UN General Assembly in New York, spoke about three challenges facing the country. With 92 hazardous waste dumps holding 475 million tons of radioactive waste and other toxic substances, even the most urgent cleanup measures would cost up to $40 million, money which the debt-laden nation doesn’t have. In addition, Kyrgyzstan is seeking investment money for sustainable development of the country’s infrastructure.

Indira Jakipova, editor of Ekois, the Ecological Information Service for Kyrgyzstan, said that there is a risk of huge radioactive catastrophe in the region, exacerbated by frequent heavy rainfall and landslides caused by climate change. “The consequences of radioactive waste can be fatal for many millions of people. The rehabilitation is a very expensive process. That is why Kyrgyzstan needs support from international financial institutions.”

Mr Chudinov said that “the world community must more actively use foreign debt swapping for sustainable development”. But Jyrgalbek Ukashev, coordinator of the UN project Enhancing Coordination for Disaster Response in the Kyrgyz Republic said that for his plea to be heard, the Kyrgyz Government must build up effective project proposals jointly with other Central Asian states’ governments”.

By Gulnura Toralieva

Central Asia’s governments and civil society did not encourage climate-change discussions ahead of the Copenhagen summit in December, argues Cleo Paskal, associate fellow at the .

Gulnura Toralieva (GT): Why isn’t climate change on the agenda of developing countries and the Central Asian region in particular?

Cleo Paskal (CP): Climate change was presented by the developed world to the developing world. They’ve projected their own problems on to developing countries without really understanding what issues have importance for people in places like Central Asia. If you talk with somebody in Central Asia about climate change it doesn’t really make much sense. But if you talk with them about agriculture or water security then they understand clearly what the problems could be.

GT: Who should care about climate change and its environmental impact? Is it a problem of developed countries or the developing world?

CP: Central Asia has a long experience of environmental change. The Aral Sea is a good example, where man-made messing up of the environment has had severe environmental consequences. Climate change is a component of environmental change. You cannot address climate change alone without addressing other environmental problems. They all interconnect. This is the first thing. Then there is a question about how you handle climate change. It can be handled in two stages. You can mitigate it, to stop it from accelerating, or you can adapt to it. In most cases, people talk about mitigation and adaptation.

In the case of Central Asia, it is clear that not a lot of mitigation can be done. That economy has already been stretched thin. They have large existing industrial challenges left over from Soviet period. More critical issues for Central Asia are things like radioactive tailings and electrical and water systems. Those need to be dealt with. And if you deal with those they will help with adaptation to climate change.

Adaptation was predominantly developed in the developing world. The developing countries have had to adapt to environmental assaults for a long time. The science of adaptation is advanced in the developing world. The developed world has a lot to learn from developing countries when it comes to adaptation and the developing world really needs to start mitigation.

GT: What are the major social, political and economic implications of climate change on developing countries’ security?

CP: The developing countries are not one country. Each country has its own challenges and each region of each country has its own challenges. And that is the problem with environmental change, that it is not one problem it is a million problems. If you are in a coastal area, the problem could be flooding, it could be salt water getting into your fresh water system. If you in a dry area or desert area, it could be even dryer or you could get dust storms. If you are in mountain regions, it could be erosion or glacier melting.

So there may be many different sorts of problems and it will take many different sorts of solutions. And I would encourage people in the developing world who have found local solutions – and there are some good local solutions – to build bridges to other developing-world countries to see what you could learn from each other. Often the solutions found in the developing world are inexpensive, low-tech, and efficient. And those are the sorts of things which will be needed globally but can be developed, implemented and expanded through the developing world quite easily right now.

GT: Kyrgyzstan, the country I’m from, has serious environmental problems such as huge toxic waste dumps caused by radioactive production. As most of the uranium tailing sites are located in densely populated and natural disaster-prone areas of Central Asia’s largest river basins, they represent a major potential risk to the region’s water supply and the health of millions of people.

The problem is exacerbated by landslides caused by frequent rainfall near uranium dumps. If it is a consequence of climate change, what can you suggest we do to mitigate the negative impacts or to prevent the catastrophe?

CP: What you are talking about is a serious issue and gets even worse because Kyrgyzstan is also in an active seismic zone and there is evidence that as glacier melting takes weight off certain areas and puts it on others that can create more seismic movements. Heavy precipitation can also get into fissures and cracks and create a build up of pressure and create more seismicity.

In many different ways, climate change can exacerbate existing problems. The first step is to understand the problem, to do a really good, ground-level survey of what existing waste dumps there are, for example, and what the likely climate change projected for the region will be. In the case of Kyrgyzstan, you have a good survey from the Soviet administration, have good scientists domestically and there are good Russian scientists who were in the country but who have left. I would encourage building bridges with all the scientists who have left to try to make sure you have all the accurate data available. Files may have disappeared; they may have gone to Moscow.

You really need to know what has happened in your country in order to figure out how to move forward in a sustainable and safe way. In science, people tend to work in their own areas. So the people who work in radioactive tailings may or may not have spoken to people working in climate change or in hydrology or whatever.

GT: In one of your publications you said that climate change may affect the stability and security of some regions. It may even have negative impact on the security of the most stable regions. What can you say about the Central Asian region?

CP: It is a funny thing that people talk about Central Asia as if it is one homogenous country with one homogenous environment. As you know, there are many different people and there are many environmental situations. Some countries have a lot of water, some countries have no water. Some countries are close to Afghanistan, some are close to China. It is not one country.

So the challenges will be different. There are commonalities obviously, but when you look at environmental change, the impact is so regional that you must understand what has happened locally.

The other thing about Central Asia is its neighbours. The countries that are neighbouring China will start to get – and already have in fact seen – an increased influence from China. China has severe environmental problems. It hasn’t got enough water or food for its own population. So it will look to Siberia or appropriate countries in Central Asia to secure food and possibly water supplies. When China goes into a country, it is likely to want to ensure a degree of political control. That can affect your security situation.

Environmental change may also affect the security situation at a basic level if there is not enough food and water for the local population. There are potential areas where security can be compromised. We used to think about Central Asia firstly as a part of the Soviet Union but it is really an important component of global balance that is focused in a volatile area with Afghanistan, Russia and China and, to a certain degree, India also.

GT: What can Central Asian countries and Kyrgyzstan in particular address at the global climate change conference in Copenhagen in December?

CP: Kyrgyzstan hasn’t got an accurate understanding of its own problems and figuring out what it needs to address those problems and to ensure that those needs are met is important. It is in the interest of the developed world for the developing world to be as stable as possible. And if the developing world can clearly state “This is what we need” then that will be helpful to create global stability.

GT: The Central Asian states have many disagreements on energy and water sharing issues. The Soviet energy system united all five regional states, but doesn’t suit the interests of all these countries. Upstream and downstream countries always have room for being dissatisfied with each other’s policy.

Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan said recently that they are going to leave the Soviet-made system. Most of the countries work on developing their own energy systems and finding ways to be independent. But it is expensive and in some ways not possible. What is your view of this problem? What kind of implications does this situation have on regional stability?

CP: It is a serious problem. There are many serious problems. When the Soviet Union fell apart, it left Central Asia with three legacies, with three different problems which made unification or regional stability a little difficult.

One is that the infrastructure was designed for a whole – not just for a regional whole but a pan-Soviet whole. So the physical infrastructure was designed to be able to enforce co-operation even if it really doesn’t make sense.

The legal infrastructure has a similar problem. And the most obvious example is the borders, which divide tribes and language groups. The inherited legal infrastructure can cause problems when it comes to water- and power-sharing agreements.

Third is that Central Asian countries start to get real cultural polarisation and social fragmentation and then it becomes difficult to get over and it makes all the things more difficult. There is no feeling that you are all together. That’s why countries might think “Why should I deal with this country, if I have nothing in common with it except ancient history? Why can’t I deal with China or Russia instead?” Social cohesion comes first. If social cohesion starts to break apart, all the relations become difficult.

The existing system has some serious problems. It is old; it hasn’t been properly maintained and it was designed for a different environment. When you build such constructions you make environmental assessments: how much water is in the rivers, how much rainfall and so on and you look to the last 50 or 100 years to make these calculations. Those calculations no longer mean anything. The next 50 to 100 years will probably be very different from previous decades. That hydro installation you built which made perfect sense in 1980 may already make no sense today because of increased sedimentation, changing precipitation or glacier runoff.

The existing infrastructure you have may be severely affected by the environment. That old-build infrastructure may in no way be suitable to the new environment. The question is, in designing the new infrastructure, are they taking into account environmental change. Or are they designing it in the same way as they always design it. I suspect they don’t take environmental change into account. I’m not sure that this infrastructure will be able to deliver. It is important to take into account environmental change for both new and old infrastructure.

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By Aine Gormley

A UK water company has been permitted to pump more than a million litres of untreated sewage effluent into the North Channel every day, starting in summer 2011.

Northern Ireland Water (NIW) can avoid laws that other parts of the UK obey because it has no independent Environmental Protection Agency (EPA).

The Northern Irish environment agency is run by the government. The agency objected to NIW’s proposal for a sewage works serving 5,680 people, allowing the government-owned company to provide only primary treatment of the sewage.

Primary treatment removes solids but not toxic waste. Normally, sewage works in England and Wales that pump into the sea for populations over 2,000 must also apply secondary treatment.

But Edwin Poots, the Northern Ireland environment minister, a member of the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP), had the final say. He chose to reject the opposition to the proposed works, and construction will begins later this autumn.

Alliance Party member Sean Neeson has warned that population growth means the agreed level of treatment is unlikely to meet future requirements from the European Commission. “This will leave only two options: a further upgrade or heavy fines, to be paid by ratepayers,” said Mr. Neeson.

In May 2008, the then-Environment Minister Arlene Foster declined the chance to bring in an independent EPA. Ms. Foster said: “I and my party take the role of environmental governance too seriously to externalise the organisation”. She resigned 13 days after her decision.

Tom Burke, who chaired the 2008 Review of Environmental Governance in Northern Ireland, said that because of Northern Ireland’s fragmented institution, he was not surprised that NIW is allowed to pollute the environment more than other UK water companies.